Education Indigenous to Place: Western Science
Meets
Native Reality
by
Angayuqaq Oscar Kawagley and Ray Barnhardt
Indigenous peoples throughout the world have sustained their
unique worldviews and associated knowledge systems for millenia, even
while undergoing major social upheavals as a result of transformative
forces beyond their control. Many of the core values, beliefs and
practices associated with those worldviews have survived and are
beginning to be recognized as having an adaptive integrity that is as
valid for today's generation as it was for generations past. The
depth of indigenous knowledge rooted in the long inhabitation of a
particular place offers lessons that can benefit everyone, from
educator to scientist, as we search for a more satisfying and
sustainable way to live on this planet.
Students in indigenous societies around the world have, for the
most part, demonstrated a distinct lack of enthusiasm for the
experience of schooling in its conventional form - an aversion
that is most often attributable to an alien school culture, rather
than any lack of innate intelligence, ingenuity, or problem-solving
skills on the part of the students. The curricula, teaching
methodologies, and often the teacher training associated with
schooling are based on a worldview that does not always recognize or
appreciate indigenous notions of an interdependent universe and the
importance of place in their societies.
Alaska Native people have their own ways of looking at and
relating to the world, the universe, and to each other. Their
traditional education processes were carefully constructed around
observing natural processes, adapting modes of survival, obtaining
sustenance from the plant and animal world, and using natural
materials to make their tools and implements. All of this was made
understandable through thoughtful stories and demonstration.
Indigenous views of the world and approaches to education have been
brought into jeopardy with the spread of western social structures
and institutionalized forms of cultural transmission.
Recently, however, many Native as well as non-Native people are
recognizing the limitations of the western educational system, and
new approaches are being devised. It is the intent of this chapter to
contribute to our understanding of the relationship between Native
ways of knowing and those associated with western science and formal
education, so we can devise a system of education for all people that
respects the philosophical and pedagogical foundations provided by
both indigenous and western cultural traditions. While the examples
used here will be drawn from the Alaska Native context, they are
illustrative of the issues that emerge in any context where efforts
are underway to reconnect education to a sense of place (Orr, 1994).
Indigenous Knowledge Systems
While western science and education tend to emphasize
compartmentalized knowledge which is often decontextualized and
taught in the detached setting of a classroom or laboratory, Native
people have traditionally acquired their knowledge through direct
experience in the natural environment. For them, the particulars come
to be understood in relation to the whole, and the "laws" are
continually tested in the context of everyday survival. Western
thought also differs from Native thought in its notion of competency.
In western terms, competency is based on predetermined ideas of what
a person should know, which is then measured indirectly through
various forms of "objective" tests. Such an approach does not address
whether that person is really capable of putting the knowledge into
practice. In the traditional Native sense, competency has an
unequivocal relationship to survival or extinction. You either have
it, or you don't, and survival is the ultimate measure.
Native people do a form of "science" when they are involved in
subsistence activities. They have studied and know a great deal about
the flora and fauna, and they have their own classification systems
and versions of meteorology, physics, chemistry, earth science,
astronomy, psychology (knowing one's inner world), and the sacred.
For a Native student imbued with an indigenous, experientially
grounded, holistic perspective, typical approaches to teaching can
present an impediment to learning, to the extent that they focus on
compartmentalized knowledge with little regard for how academic
disciplines relate to one another or to the surrounding universe.
To bring significance to learning in indigenous contexts, the
explanations of natural phenomena should be cast first in Native
terms to which students can relate, and then explained in western
terms. For example, when describing an eddy along the river for
placing a fishing net, it should be explained initially in the
indigenous way of understanding, pointing out the currents, the
movement of debris and sediment in the water, the likely path of the
fish, the condition of the river bank, upstream conditions affecting
water levels, the impact of passing boats, etc. Once the students
understand the significance of the knowledge being presented, it can
then be explained in western terms, such as flow, velocity,
resistance, turgidity, sonar readings, tide tables, etc., to
illustrate how the modern explanation adds to the traditional
understanding (and vice versa). All learning should start with what
the student and community know and are using in everyday life. The
Native student will become more motivated to learn when the subject
matter is based on something useful and suitable to the livelihood of
the community and is presented in a way that reflects the
interconnectedness of all things.
Since western scientific perspectives influence decisions that
impact every aspect of Native peoples lives, from education to fish
and wildlife management, Native people themselves have begun to take
an active role in re-asserting their own traditions of science in
various policy-making arenas. As a result, there is a growing
awareness of the depth and breadth of knowledge that is extant in
many Native societies, and its potential value in addressing issues
of contemporary concern. The following observation by Bielawski
(1990) illustrates this point:
Indigenous knowledge is not static, an unchanging
artifact of a former lifeway. It has been adapting to the
contemporary world since contact with "others" began, and it will
continue to change. Western science in the North is also beginning to
change in response to contact with indigenous knowledge. Change was
first seen in the acceptance that Inuit (and other Native
northerners) have knowledge, that is 'know something.' Then change
moved to involving Inuit in the research process as it is defined by
western science. Then community-based research began, wherein
communities and native organizations identified problems and sought
the means to solve them. I believe the next stage will be one in
which Inuit and other indigenous peoples grapple with the nature of
what scientists call research (p. 18).
Such an awareness of the contemporary significance of indigenous
knowledge systems is beginning to impact policy development in the
North, as is evident in the following statement in the Arctic
Environmental Protection Strategy (1993):
Resolving the various concerns that indigenous peoples
have about the development of scientific based information must be
addressed through both policy and programs. This begins with
reformulating the principles and guidelines within which research
will be carried out and involves the process of consultation and the
development of appropriate techniques for identifying problems that
indigenous peoples wish to see resolved. But the most important step
that must be taken is to assure that indigenous environmental and
ecological knowledge becomes an information system that carries its
own validity and recognition. A large effort is now underway in
certain areas within the circumpolar region, as well as in other
parts of the world, to establish these information systems and to set
standards for their use (p. 27).
The incongruities between western institutional structures and
practices and indigenous cultural forms will not be easy to
reconcile. The complexities that come into play when two
fundamentally different worldviews converge present a formidable
challenge. In an analysis of the beliefs and practices of indigenous
people from around the world, Knudtson and Suzuki (1992) identified
the following characteristics as distinguishing their worldviews from
the predominant beliefs and practices in western society.
Indigenous Worldviews
|
|
Western Worldview
|
Spirituality is imbedded in all elements of the cosmos
|
|
Spirituality is centered in a single Supreme Being
|
Humans have responsibility for maintaining harmonious
relationship with the natural world
|
|
Humans exercise dominion over nature to use it for
personal and economic gain
|
Need for reciprocity between human and natural worlds -
resources are viewed as gifts
|
|
Natural resources are available for unilateral human
exploitation
|
Nature is honored routinely through daily spiritual
practice
|
|
Spiritual practices are intermittent and set apart from
daily life
|
Wisdom and ethics are derived from direct experience with
the natural world
|
|
Human reason transcends the natural world and can produce
insights independently
|
Universe is made up of dynamic, ever-changing natural
forces
|
|
Universe is made up of an array of static physical
objects
|
Universe is viewed as a holistic, integrative system with
a unifying life force
|
|
Universe is compartmentalized in dualistic forms and
reduced to progressively smaller conceptual parts
|
Time is circular with natural cycles that sustain all
life
|
|
Time is a linear chronology of "human progress"
|
Nature will always possess unfathomable mysteries
|
|
Nature is completely decipherable to the rational human
mind
|
Human thought, feelings and words are inextricably bound
to all other aspects of the universe
|
|
Human thought, feeling and words are formed apart from
the surrounding world
|
Human role is to participate in the orderly designs of
nature
|
|
Human role is to dissect, analyze and manipulate nature
for own ends
|
Respect for elders is based on their compassion and
reconciliation of outer- and inner-directed knowledge
|
|
Respect for others is based on material achievement and
chronological old age
|
Sense of empathy and kinship with other forms of life
|
|
Sense of separateness from and superiority over other
forms of life
|
View proper human relationship with nature as a
continuous two-way, transactional dialogue
|
|
View relationship of humans to nature as a one-way,
hierarchical imperative
|
(Adapted from Knudtson and Suzuki, 1992, p. 13-15)
The specialization, standardization, compartmentalization, and
systematicity that are inherent features of western bureaucratic
forms of organization are often in direct conflict with social
structures and practices in indigenous societies, which tend toward
collective decision-making, extended kinship structures, ascribed
authority vested in elders, flexible notions of time, and traditions
of informality in everyday affairs. It is little wonder then that
formal education structures, which often epitomize western
bureaucratic forms, have been found wanting in addressing the
educational needs of traditional societies.
This picture is not as bleak as it once was, however, as
indigenous people themselves have begun to rethink their role and
seek to blend old and new practices in ways that are more likely to
fit contemporary conditions. The actions currently being taken by
indigenous people themselves in communities throughout the world
clearly demonstrate that a significant "paradigm shift" toward the
integration of indigenous knowledge systems and ways of knowing is
already well underway, with the educational orientation shifting
consistently toward an emphasis on the utilization of local knowledge
and people in the educational process. As this shift evolves, it is
not only indigenous people who will be the beneficiaries, however,
since many of the issues that are being addressed are of equal
significance in non-indigenous contexts (Nader, 1996). Many of the
problems that originated under conditions of marginalization have
gravitated from the periphery to the center of industrial societies,
so the pedagogical solutions that are emerging in indigenous
societies may be of equal benefit to the broader educational
community. With that in mind, let us take a closer look at how these
issues are played out in a particular situation.
Life in the Margins: Western Science Meets Indigenous Reality
Each summer since 1989, the University of Alaska Fairbanks has
been offering a cross-cultural orientation course for educators in
which we take students out to a remote abandoned village site which
now serves as a cultural camp thirty miles down the Tanana River from
the community of Nenana. When we first began exploring the idea for
the camp, we went out to the village of Minto to meet with a group of
about a dozen local elders to inquire if they would be willing to
work with us to put together a program in which we would take a group
of educators to the Old Minto camp to work with the elders and learn
a bit about the Athabascan world and the role of education from their
perspective.
By chance, when we arrived in Minto and went to the Elder's Hall,
they were just beginning a meeting with a group of State Department
of Fish and Game and Department of Natural Resources representatives
from Fairbanks. The agency personnel had gone to Minto to explain
what they were going to be doing in the way of research in the Minto
Flats that summer, so that if people were out and about fishing or
hunting in the Flats and ran across some of the monitoring equipment,
they would know what was happening. Old Minto (Men-tee ) is on
the south end of Minto Flats on the Tanana River, and the new village
of Minto, established in 1970, is on the north end of the Flats on
the Tolovana River. The people of Minto are the permanent residents
of the 500 square miles of lakes, streams and forest that lie between
the old and new village sites. Regardless of where the village is,
Minto Flats is their home, and they know the area like they know the
palm of their hand.
From the very beginning, it was obvious that the researchers
regarded the meeting as a one-way event in which they were going to
provide information to the people of Minto; the elders, in contrast,
saw the meeting as an opportunity to provide input on issues they
felt the State should be attending to on their behalf. So before they
even started there was a communication problem because of the
different impressions of why they were meeting, but that turned out
to be the least of the problems. As they introduced themselves, each
of the agency representatives noted his area of specialization.
Present were a beaver specialist, two fisheries specialists (one on
whitefish and one on pike), a moose specialist, and a hydrology
specialist who knew something about mining sedimentation. They each
had a fairly clear notion of what they wanted to convey, so they set
about explaining what they were going to be doing in Minto Flats to
help the people of Minto.
One of the concerns of the fisheries biologists was to find out
more about the pike migration patterns in the Minto Flats area
because of a serious decline in the number of pike in recent years.
One of the fisheries biologists brought along a small radio
transmitter that could be inserted into the pike so the signal could
be used to track their movements. As he went through his explanation
he passed around one of the transmitters, which was about the size of
a thumb. He started to explain that these were inserted into an
incision in the bottom of the pike, but he barely got the words out
of his mouth and one of the elders spoke up and said: "Oh sure! We
see those all the time. But you ruin the fish with them! We can't eat
the fish after that!" The biologist objected: "No, we are very
careful to put them in the gut sack so we don't mess with the meat of
the fish. We make a small incision and put it in the gut sack.", at
which the elder pointed out, "But that is the problem. The gut sack
is the best part of the pike. The meat has so many bones. The gut
sack is what we like, but we can't eat it anymore." It was apparent
that the elder's comment didn't register with the biologist, who went
on to explain how the data was transmitted to a satellite and
eventually placed on a map to track the movement of the pike, all of
which only added to, rather than reduced the trepidation of the
people of Minto toward the work of these outside researchers.
Another issue that the hydrology specialist was concerned about
had to do with the impact of mining from the area near Fairbanks that
drains into the Chatanika River, which feeds into the Tolovana River,
which meanders through various sloughs in the Minto Flats and
eventually into the Tanana River. The Minto people had been
complaining about the amount of sediment that was coming down the
river and covering over the spawning beds for various species in the
area. To show that the State was responding to the concern, the
sedimentation specialist demonstrated a piece of equipment he had
brought along which would be placed on the side of a streambed with a
hose going into the water. Several times a day, it would
automatically suck up a sample of water and do a sediment analysis
and then enter the results on a chart. At the end of the summer, he
would have a graph of the varying levels of sediment in the water.
When the sedimentation specialist finished his presentation, one of
the elders raised the question: "What are you going to do about the
burn policy?" After a brief pause with a quizzical look from the
specialist, another elder repeated: "The problem is with the burn
policy!" but the quizzical look remained. Finally, one of the elders
said: "The BLM policy for controlling fires. They just let fires in
the Flats burn until they get close to a man-made structure. That is
what is creating a lot of the problems out here." One of the agency
representatives eventually responded: "Well, there's no one from BLM
here, and we can't speak for them. We don't have anything to do with
their policies, so we can't deal with that issue. But, here is what
happens when the sediment level builds up in the river. . ." The
meeting went on with the Minto people showing considerable patience,
but the frustration level on both sides was growing.
Finally, 90-year-old Peter John, an elder with very little formal
schooling who has been the traditional chief of Minto for quite some
time, got up and gave a fifteen minute exposition on the ecology of
Minto Flats connecting all of the different elements that make up the
area, including the Minto people, and how they influence one another.
Eventually, he got around to pointing out that because of recent
changes in BLM's burn policy, which was to let fires burn unless they
endangered man-made structures, the beaver habitat in the Flats was
being impacted, so the beaver were moving up river into the sloughs
and building dams that were filling with sedimentation from the
mining, which destroyed the pike's spawning beds. He pointed out that
just because the Minto people didn't build permanent structures out
in the Flats like the White man's cabins up along the rivers didn't
mean that they weren't using the area.
Referring to the radio tracking of the pike, the Chief chided the
biologists, "If you want to know where pike spend the winter, come
and ask me. How do you think I lived to be this old? I can tell you
exactly where we go to get the biggest pike and where the pike spend
the winter. But I don't want to let those snowmachiners in Fairbanks
know." In the course of Peter John's presentation, he pointed out
that the fish and game people had referred to statistics that went
back only thirty years to determine how many pike there had been in
the past. "You are talking about thirty years. Our record goes back
three hundred years. We know how many pike were around three hundred
years ago, and how many it took to feed our families and dogs," at
which point he proceeded to explain the seasonal fluctuations that
were recorded in their knowledge base going back more than ten
generations.
He described how, in the old days when families moved from camp to
camp on the Flats they couldn't carry much food with them, so they
needed to know exactly where they could expect to find the next
supply. People shared this information whenever they met, and it was
passed on from generation to generation as a matter of survival. The
only difference was, it wasn't written down in a log book the way the
scientists do, but it was just as reliable and was accumulated over a
longer period of time than is available to the scientists. He pointed
out that the biggest change occured about 20 years earlier when the
State opened an access road to the Minto Flats for snow machines and
four-wheel drive vehicles, which brought in a large influx of
fishermen from Fairbanks who took more fish than the rivers and lakes
could handle. The Minto people were no longer able to obtain their
food from the most accessible places and were having to travel
farther out into the Flats to find adequate supplies.
What Peter John and the other elders were pointing out was an
enormous gap between the way the western-trained scientists and the
people of Minto viewed the various elements that make up the Minto
Flats area. While the scientists with their specialized knowledge and
elaborate tools were well intentioned, the gulf between their
compartmentalized, limited-time-frame view of the world and the
holistic, multi-generational perspective of Peter John appeared
insurmountable. The fish and game people couldn't see beyond their
constituent parts to connect with what the elders were trying to tell
them, though the Minto people had a quite sophisticated understanding
of what the fish and game specialists were talking about. They had
seen fish and game biologists and many other western researchers come
and go hundreds of times and they knew what they did, how they did
it, and why they did it. They knew all the issues and they knew many
of the answers, before the specialists even began to collect their
data. But the fish and game people didn't have any way to respond to
the long-accumulated detailed information about Minto Flats as a
complex interconnected ecosystem that Peter John had given them.
Thus, one of the fundamental challenges before us is to figure out
how to make connections between the view of the world that Peter John
is talking about and what the fish and game people are trying to do,
so that we can enter into joint ventures that are mutually respectful
and recognize the validity of diverse sets of knowledge, as well as
the benefits to be gained if they are pooled together in
complementary ways.
The Minto elders did agree to work with us to implement a cultural
immersion program for teachers, so for the past eight summers we have
been taking about thirty educators out to Old Minto to spend a week
to ten days (in the middle of a three-week session) with the elders
as the instructors. We make no prior stipulations about what is to go
on at the camp - no lectures, no seminars, none of the formal
teaching we would normally do. Instead, we participate in whatever
activities the elders arrange at the camp. It isn't until about
half-way through the week that teachers start recognizing that we are
in a different realm. Until then they process the activities through
the filters they bring with them, applying what they already know
from previous outdoor "camping" experiences to make sense out of the
new circumstances. It's when they begin to notice the discrepancies
between what they think is happening and what actually happens that
they realize there is more going on than they initially recognized.
It is at that point, when people start questioning their own
presuppositions, that new insights begin to emerge. The elders and
the other people from Minto who work with us have a remarkable
capacity to open themselves up and draw people into their lives. Even
teachers who are initially skeptical when they enter the program come
out of it with a new set of lenses through which to view the world.
There are ways to break out of the mold in which we are oftentimes
stuck, though it takes some effort. There are ways to develop
linkages that connect different worldviews, at least for a few people
under the right conditions. The kinds of insights that Peter John was
trying to convey in the meeting with the fish and game biologists
open up as many questions as answers. Each time we seek an answer to
any one of the questions, more questions pop up. The exciting part of
it is that more people are beginning to take these questions
seriously. We have learned a tremendous amount from the experience at
Old Minto, and we find each year that the more we learn the less we
know, in terms of having penetrated through another layer of
understanding of what life in that context is all about, only to
recognize the existence of many additional layers that lie beyond our
current understanding.
The tendency in most of the literature on Native education is to
focus on how to get Native people to understand the
western/scientific view of the world. There is very little literature
that addresses how to get western scientists and educators to
understand Native worldviews. We have to come at these issues on a
two-way street, rather than view the problem as a one-way challenge
to get Native people to buy into the western system. Native people
may need to understand western science, but not at the expense of
what they already know. Non-Native people, too, need to recognize the
existence of multiple worldviews and knowledge systems, and find ways
to understand and relate to the world in its multiple dimensions and
varied perspectives.
Seeking Common Ground Across Worldviews
For Alaska Native people, culture, knowing, and living are
intricately interrelated. Living in a harsh environment requires a
vast array of precise empirical knowledge to survive the many risks
due to conditions such as unpredictable weather and marginal food
availability. To avoid starvation they must employ a variety of
survival strategies, including appropriate storage of foodstuffs that
they can fall back on during times of need. Their food gathering and
storage must be energy efficient as well as effective. If this were
not so, how could they possibly hope to survive? To help them achieve
this balance, they have developed an outlook of nature as metaphysic,
from which are derived the "laws" that govern all aspects of the
relationships between the seen and unseen worlds.
Alaska Native worldviews and technologies are conducive to living
in harmony with the universe. Their lifestyles, including subsistence
methods and technologies, are exemplifications of their worldview.
After all, the Creator for many Native people is the Raven, so how
could the human being be superior to the creatures of Mother Earth?
Harmony is the key idea behind Native subsistence practices. How
could their hunting and trapping implements and practices not be
respectful to animals that they would have to kill in order to live?
They believe all plants, winds, mountains, rivers, lakes, and
creatures of the earth possess a spirit, and therefore have
consciousness and life. Everything is alive and aware, requiring that
relationships be maintained in a respectful way so as not to upset
the balance.
The time-honored values of respect, reciprocity, and cooperation
are conducive to adaptation, survival, and harmony. Native people
honor the integrity of the universe as a whole living being - an
inter-connected system. As it is living, all things of the earth must
be respected because they also have life. Native people have a
reciprocal relationship with all things of the universe. The
importance of maintaining the integrity of this relationship is
captured by Harold Napoleon (1997) in his description of the
foundation of the Yupiaq belief system.
At the core of the spiritual belief system of the
Yupiaq people was the principle that all creation was spirit: alive,
conscious, and very dynamic. The foundation and the chief
characteristic of this spiritual Universe was balance and harmony
(qin'nuee'jaa'raq ), with all in the Universe bound to
preserving and maintaining it. In this spiritual Universe all
creatures had their place, their roles to fulfill, whether it was the
I'rra'luq (Moon), where the spirits of mammals and fish dwelt
till sent to the Nuna (Earth) to replenish it, or the humble
ang'ya'ya'raq (shrew), who, while physically tiny, was no
inferior to man and other spirits, and had to be respected. Man was
not superior to other beings but was an equal to some, inferior to
others; he was thus bound by the laws of the Universe to maintaining
a harmonious relationship with all spirits if he was to survive.
This explains the Yupiaq preoccupation with maintaining a
harmonious relationship with the spirits of the sea, the land, the
rivers, the Ellaa (the Universe, also weather); with keeping
appeased the mammal and fish on whose beneficence he depended for
food, clothing, and shelter. This spiritual reality is reflected in
Yupiaq art and ceremionals. It is also the foundation of Yupiaq law
(Qaa'ner'ya'raat ). The basic principle of Yupiaq law is best
stated in the phrase, "Qin'nuee'na'ne Yuuyaraq " (To live in
peace, harmony), which becomes the law, "Qin'nuee'na'je Yuu'ge'je
" (You shall live in peace and harmony).
From observing nature, Native people learned that the earth and
the universe are built upon the premise of cooperation and
interdependence. Western researchers, too, must respect these values
to advance knowledge and expand our consciousness. The constructs and
understandings of Alaska Native people need to be honored for their
integrity on the same level as the modern scientific notion of the
holographic image.
The holographic image does not lend itself to reductionism or
fragmentation. Reductionism seeks to break reality into parts to
understand the whole, without realizing that the parts are merely
patterns extant in a total web of relationships (Capra, 1996). The
Native worldview does not allow separation of its parts, as each part
must be understood in its relationship to the whole. Respect for the
Native people who formalized this view should be practiced. Native
people have transcended quantifying and sensory-constricted studies
of nature practiced by the modern world. Thus, it is to everyone's
benefit that there be cooperation between the researcher and Native
people. The researchers need to set aside notions of human
superiority to things of the universe, and people considered
primitive and backward. Native people should be treated as equal
human beings with heightened powers of observation, critical
analysis, and a gift of intuition.
To Alaska Native people there are many things in this universe
that are cyclical and describe a spiral or a circle. Examples of
these include the seasons, the solar system, the timepiece of the Big
Dipper going around the North Star, the Raven's path across the sky
visible at certain times (as the Milky Way spiral), an eddy in the
river, a whirlwind, and many other cyclical patterns reflected in
nature. In each instance there is a drawing force in the center. In
the Native worldview, this can be thought of as the circle of life.
In each Native person's life the central drawing force is the self.
The self is grounded in the profound silence of the
universe - its sustenance is spiritual, it is love, it is a sense
of belonging to a tribe, belonging to the universe, belonging to
something greater than ones self. Despite the impact of change in
Native worldviews, many of these values have remained intact and are
very applicable today.
While they can be quite useful in producing insights and solutions
to particular kinds of problems, mathematical and scientific
disciplines and their off-spring, the engineered technologies, are
often one-dimensional. These tools have the wonderful capacity for
opening new discoveries in our world, but because of the western
tendency to want to control nature, they can also lead to confusion
and a feeling of detachment from the life force and the attendant
sense of connectedness. They are bereft of the values extant in the
indigenous societies, which also have the power to open doors to new
discoveries. Western mathematics, sciences and technologies do
reflect inherent values, some very beneficial to human well-being;
however, they are too often usurped by the economic imperatives of a
market-driven society in which short-term expediency, efficiency and
cost-effectiveness tend to take precedence over local considerations
related to long-term sustainability, adaptability and
self-sufficiency. Indigenous societies, on the other hand have
continued to rely heavily on the latter qualities to survive in the
contemporary world, as they did in traditional times.
From all indications, nature thrives on diversity. Look at the
permutations of weather during a day, much less a month, or year. The
climates differ from one part of the earth to another. The flora and
the fauna exhibit great variety and differ markedly from one region
to another. The continents and their geographies differ. No two
snowflakes are exactly alike. The stars, constellations, and other
heavenly bodies appear to be unchanging, yet our learned astronomers
tell us that many changes are constantly taking place. Novae,
supernovae, black holes, stars dying and being born are indicators of
a continuously changing universe. The new sciences of chaos and
complexity reveal patterns we never thought existed in nature. These
all point to diversity, and it is the balance in all of these
patterns and forces that helps nature thrive. Alaska Native people
have recognized this diversity all along and have striven for harmony
with all of life, even as their lives were torn asunder by forces
beyond their control (Napoleon, 1991). They have now come full circle
and are seeking to heal the breeches that have put their life in
jeopardy. As the Yupiaq people say:Seggangukut '-"We are
awakening, we are being energized!" They have adopted nature as their
guiding force and have drawn energy from the earth.
Native people have long understood the forces of energy around us.
An example of energy exchange is reflected in the story of a man out
on the ocean. He gets caught on an iceberg that gets cut off from
shore and drifts out. He has no choice but to try to keep warm and
survive the night. The next day, he finds that the iceberg is
stationary but is not attached to the shore ice. New ice has formed
overnight in the water between. He remembers the advice of his elders
that to test the newly formed ice and its ability to hold up a
person, he must raise his ice pick about two feet above the ice and
let it drop. If the weight of the ice pick allows the point to
penetrate, but stops where it is attached to the wooden handle, he
can try crossing on the ice. If, on the other hand, it does not stop
at the point of intersection, then it will not hold up the man. In
this case, the pick did not penetrate beyond the point. The man
looked around him at the beauty and the might of Nature, and
realizing the energies that abound, he got onto the ice. He had to
maintain a steady pace for if he stopped or began to run he would
fall through as a result of breaking his rhythm and concentration.
The story goes that when he began his journey across the ice, there
was a lightness and buoyancy in his mind. This feeling was conveyed
to his physical being. Although the ice crackled and waved, he drew
energy from nature by being in rhythm with the sea and ice and,
maintaining a lightness and buoyancy of mind, he made it safely to
the other side.
Western physics with its quantum and relativity theories suggests
that matter is mostly condensed energy and that the world is made up
of many interacting forces. If so, then Alaska Native people may be
able to draw energy from earth because they are a part of it. All
life comes from the earth. Alaska Native peoples' reliance on nature
as a guiding force becomes corroborated by the western theories. This
also strengthens the argument that the laboratory for teaching and
learning should be embedded in the place where one lives. Young
people can be energized by being outdoors in nature enjoying its
beauty and becoming part of it. This can encourage self-respect and
respect for others, as well as for the seen and unseen forces that
dwell in and amongst all things of nature. Students in the outdoors
are able to whet their observational skills while learning from
nature and drawing energy for themselves. There is a vast difference
in learning about the tundra in the classroom and being out in it.
Being in and with the environment the whole year round, students can
experience the vicissitudes of seasons, flora, fauna, sunlight,
freezing, thawing, wind, weather permutations, gaining intimate
knowledge about place - using their five senses and intuition to
learn about themselves and the world around them.
It is this drawing of energy from nature that will allow the
indigenous self to again become strong so that the breaks in the
circle of life can be repaired. Then the individual and community can
allow selected outside values and traditions which they think will
strengthen their minds, bodies and spirits to filter in. The Alaska
Native people will again become whole people and know what to be and
what to do to make a life and a living. They will have reached into
the profound silence of self to attain happiness and harmony in a
world of their own making.
Indigenous Implications for a Pedagogy of Place
Indigenous societies study that which is invisible to temper the
development of technology and guide its association with nature.
Alaska Native worldviews deal with trying to understand the
irregularities of nature which are underlain with patterns of order.
Many unseen forces are in action in the elements of the universe, so
it is necessary to seek out the patterns and relationships that can
be recognized through detailed observations over long periods of
time. Such observations and reflections embody the processes on which
all education depends.
To help students begin to understand these phenomena, indigenous
education should begin with the five basic elements of the
universe-earth, air, fire, water and spirit (Kawagley, 1996). The
sacred gifts of each must be understood, as well as the human
activities which contribute to the sustainability or destruction of
these life-giving gifts. In order to be holistic, the curricular
activities must include indigenous language and culture, language
arts, mathematics, social studies, arts and crafts, and sciences. All
must be interrelated as all of earth is interrelated.
For example, in dealing with the element "air," the teacher can
focus on the sacred gift of weather. And what an unpredictable
choice! Like many Native myths, weather is so very dynamic, ever
changing, and, like the myth, very mystical. The wind has
irregularities of constantly varying velocity, humidity, temperature,
and direction due to topography and other factors. There are
nonlinear dimensions to clouds, irregularities of cloud formations,
anomalous cloud luminosity, and different forms of precipitation at
different levels. There are patterns, however tenuous, such as the
path of a jet stream or fronts to be studied. The Native students'
visual acuity and memory for detail can be used to advantage. The
weather's dynamic is such that each part is part of a part which is a
part of another part and so on. The local Native elders can explain
how they are able to predict weather based upon subtle messages given
to them by the wind and sun twenty-four hours earlier. This involves
the language of feelings from the inner world coupled with the
language of reason.
Being inclined toward the spiritual, the Native person is able to
understand and accept the unpredictable permutations of weather. The
Native people have learned certain general predictable patterns of
weather connected to the seasons and moons. Yet, the Native student
can also get acquainted with the now predominant tools of the
meteorologist, such as the thermometer, barometer, anemometer,
hydrometer, satellite pictures and other tools that give the elders'
knowledge depth, detail, and a broader view. Introducing students to
the notion of irregularities and anomalies of form and force (chaos
and fractals) necessarily introduces them to holism. The key idea is
for the students to understand the inter-connectedness of all things
in the universe.
In using the five elements of life to teach, it is of utmost
importance to assure that each element is a gift to the life-giving
forces of the living earth. The teacher must be careful to explain
that those gifts are absolutely necessary for life on earth to
continue. Yupiaq people honor and respect these gifts in their
rituals and ceremonies, incorporating all five elements in mutually
reinforcing ways.
Take for example, the Nakaciuq , or the "Blessing of the
Bladders." The Yupiaq people believed that when the seal or some
other sea mammal gave itself to the hunter, the spirit of the seal
entered its bladder upon giving up its life. This required that the
people take care to remove the bladder, inflate it to dry, and save
it for the winter Bladder Festival to honor the sacred gift of the
element, "spirit." In this way the Yupiaq people honored and showed
respect for the gift of the element, "earth," for giving birth to
animals upon which they depended for survival as a people. During the
festival, the bladders were reinflated with life-giving air and hung
on poles for the duration of the activities. In the qasgiq
(community house) were placed two three-to-four foot stout poles in
front of the place of honor for the elders. On the flattened upper
end of the poles were placed two earthen lamps with wicks which were
then filled with seal oil. The wicks were lighted and the lamps kept
burning during the entire festival. One or two people were given the
responsibility of keeping the lamps going. The gift of the element,
"fire," was used to light and give warmth to the community house. To
purify the air and the participants in the house, wild parsnips were
burned. Another gift of the element, "earth," the parsnip plant was
used to create purifying smoke with the transforming gift of the
element, "fire." At the conclusion of the Bladder Festival, the
bladders were taken down, deflated, and carried to the ocean or river
where an opening in the ice had been made. With collective
mindfulness of all the Yupiaq participants that the spirits of the
animals were happy and satisfied with the care and careful execution
of the required rituals and ceremonies, and that they would return
and give themselves to the hunters, the bladders were returned to the
sacred gift of the element, "water," the womb of creation.
To give such a curriculum real meaning for Native students, a
multi-disciplinary and multi-sensory study of the elements should be
undertaken for the entire school year. The students would begin to
understand that the experience of knowing and making intimate
acquaintance with a place takes time. The students can be helped to
fine-tune their endosomatic sense-makers through carefully planned
and executed lessons of observation that incorporate their language
of feeling with the language of reason. The ultimate gift is that of
the element, "spirit," which through the Native language, mythology,
rituals, and ceremonies, introduces students to "a lifeway
appropriate to place" (Mills, 1990).
Modern schools are not teaching students how to live a life that
is fulfilling. Rather, the schools are giving information to students
without showing them how they can transform that information into
useful knowledge for making a living, not to mention preparing them
to individually and collectively understand how the usable knowledge
can be transformed into the wisdom needed to live a meaningful life.
Instead, students now look at an innovative teacher who refuses to
use existing curricula, syllabi, textbooks, lessons plans, media
presentations, photocopied materials and so on, as not really
"teaching." They expect to be given a lot of information and to be
entertained. The many machines, modern tools, and the vaunted
computers, however, are not enough to teach a lifeway that meets the
inner needs of the students.
The teachers and teachers-to-be must understand that the world is
nonlinear and that science will never fully understand everything
about the universe. They must also realize and appreciate that in
modern scientific and educational endeavors, mathematics, science and
technology are interrelated with all other disciplines. It behooves
us to make sure that education becomes realigned with the common
philosophical thread, or the "distant memory" of the ecological
perspective. All peoples of the earth began from this vista, and
therefore such a perspective makes it more probable and possible for
attaining a new consciousness for a sustainable life.
Indigenous Contributions to Ecological and Educational
Understanding
As hinted at in the examples provided above, indigenous people
have much to offer in guiding education back to a grounding in the
ecology of place. Four areas in which significant benefits can be
derived by reconnecting educational practice to indigenous ecological
understandings may be summarized as follows:
Indigenous View
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Educational Application
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Long-term perspective
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Education must be understood (and carried out) across
generations
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Inter-connectedness of all things
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Knowledge is bound to the context in which it is to be
used (and learned), and all elements are inter-related
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Adaptation to change
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Education must continuously be adapted to fit the times
and place
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Commitment to the commons
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The whole is greater than the sum of its parts
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One of the most important contributions that indigenous people are
bringing to the scientific and educational arenas is a temporal
dimension, that is a long-term perspective spanning many generations
of observation and experimentation, which enriches the relatively
short-term, time-bound observations of the itinerant western-oriented
scientists and educators. The indigenous perspective adds breadth to
the scientists' depth (Kawagley, 1995). As a result, patterns and
cycles that are not evident in the western scientists' data base of
detailed in-depth short-term observations can be factored into the
equation for educational purposes. For example, a Yupiaq hunter
triggered research linking industrial pollution from factories as far
away as Central Europe and China to "acid snow" affecting changes in
the coloration of tundra plants in Western Alaska, which he had
observed over a period of 40 years. As a result, he was invited to
participate in an international conference on "Arctic haze" at
Cambridge University, to provide a dimension that was not readily
available through conventional tools of scientific observation.
Likewise, in education we tend to look for immediate solutions to
problems that are often the product of long-term generational shifts,
for which the solutions, too, must be understood at a
multi-generational level. The observations of a Peter John can span
up to four generations, out of which patterns are recognized that are
not obvious to the itinerant educator, yet it is the latter whose
actions will directly impact the succeeding generations ability to
participate in a rapidly changing world. For everyones benefit, it is
essential that we recognize the contributions that can be derived
from a multi-generational perspective.
Coupled closely with this long-term temporal dimension is another
important contribution that indigenous ways of knowing
provides - that of pointing out the inter-connectedness of all
the elements that make up an ecosystem, including the human element
(as Peter John indicated). While western scientists tend to
specialize and conduct research in one component of an ecosystem at a
time, the Native observer is immersed in the system and thus is more
likely to recognize how the various components relate to and depend
on one another over time and across species. An Aleut observer, Larry
Merculieff, made this point forcefully at an Alaska Marine Mammal
Conference in 1991, which he helped organize to deal with issues
associated with the sustainability of the ecosystem and economy of
the Pribilof Islands. We quote his comments verbatim:
Western scientific research systems are too specialized. Bird
scientists study birds. Marine mammal scientists study marine
mammals. Fishery scientists study fish. They specialize even within a
single category. For example, bird scientists study reproductivity by
counting breeding birds on cliffs, as one project. Another project
may study just murres and kittiwakes, but not cormorants or puffins
or least auklets, or fulmars or sea gulls. Another project may study
cliff nesting birds at sea. Very few studies are done on how each
species interacts with each other and under what environmental
conditions.
Because of how different scientists are funded and because
scientists do not want to step on another scientist's territory,
there is little if any coordination between research on different
species. Marine mammal scientists do not closely coordinate with
oceanographers and climatologists. Everything is placed in
specialized, separate boxes, even though we know that everything is
connected. Some Soviet scientists researching the Bering Sea call
American scientists "anti-ecologistic" because of American emphasis
on studying single species. We will never understand the Bering Sea
unless we understand the connections of all things affecting it. The
Western scientific system is unable to do this.
We [Alaska Natives] see everything in terms of connections. When
we hunt, we know weather, temperature, wind direction, presence of
sea ice, how the ice is packed, time of day, type of season, human
activity - all affect the behavior and survival of wildlife. We
observe all these things all our lives.
We must act to use our knowledge to re-direct how everything we
depend on is being managed by over specialized scientific systems.
Scientists wonder what is happening to seals, sea lions, and birds.
In the Pribilofs, we watch sea lions eating seal pups with greater
frequency than ever in memory. We see chicks on bird cliffs dropping
to the rocks below because they are too weak. We notice how seal
pelts are thinner than ever in memory. We notice how mature bull
seals are smaller than just ten years ago. This tells us that all
these species are having food problems. But no scientist or manager
is interested in these observations. Every coastal village where
there is strong dependency on the sea for a livelihood and way of
life have their own observations. We should share this information
among ourselves and then act on it (p. 3-4).
Since 1991, through actions of people like Larry Merculieff,
including the formation of the Indigenous People's Council for Marine
Mammals, Aleut practitioners and western scientists have become
collaborators in looking at the Bering Sea as an ecosystem. As a
result of the input of Aleut observers, many new hypotheses have been
put forward to be tested with the arsenal of specialized techniques
and technology provided by western science.
In addition, Merculieff has been instrumental in the establishment
of a "Stewardship Camp" for young people on the Pribilof Islands, in
which future generations learn about their place in the fragile
ecosystem they occupy and the responsibility they carry as the
stewards of that ecosystem. The instructors for the camp include
local elders as well as visiting scientists, who learn from each
other while they share their knowledge with the students. Through
such educational programs connected to peoples everyday lives, young
people learn that every action they take, from the careers they
choose to what they do with a piece of trash, is part of an
inter-connected web of values and behaviors that shape who they are
as a people - in this case the Aleut people. The surrounding
environment can provide a rich laboratory for students to learn about
the many interconnected forces that impact their lives and make a
contribution to the well-being of their community, utilizing tools
from both the indigenous and western knowledge systems.
Another important contribution that indigenous people are making
to our understanding of sustainable lifestyles is the relationship
between human adaptation and the dynamic nature of cultural systems.
Unlike the western observers' tendency to freeze indigenous cultural
systems in time, as though they existed in some kind of idealized
static state destined never to change, indigenous people themselves,
as a matter of cultural survival, have been quick to adapt new
technologies and to grasp the "new world order." While retaining a
keen sense of place and rootedness in the land they occupy, they have
not hesitated to take advantage of new opportunities (as well as
create a few of their own) to improve their quality of life and the
efficacy of their lifestyles. This is done, however, within their own
framework of values, priorities and worldview, so that the
development trajectory they choose is not always the same as what
outsiders might choose for them.
The recognition of cultural systems as being dynamic and
ever-changing in response to new conditions has enormous implications
for the sustainability of indigenous communities, especially where
demographic changes, development opportunities and technological
innovations have combined to put pressure on available subsistence
resources beyond the carrying capacity of the host bioregion. Nowhere
has this been more complicated than in the regulation of the Bowhead
whale stock available to Inupiaq hunters along the northern and
northwest coasts of Alaska. For example, when Native people in
northwest Alaska had to establish a priority between maximizing
profits in their role as Native corporate shareholders and sustaining
the subsistence whale hunt that could potentially be disrupted by
ships bearing ore from their own world-class lead/zinc mine passing
through the migration route of the whales, they chose to place the
subsistence hunting of the whales as the top priority, and
established a panel of hunters from nearby villages who had the power
to shut down the mine if necessary while the communities dependent on
the whales conducted their hunt. Their multinational partners in the
mining venture were not necessarily in agreement with this decision,
but in this case, the resource and thus the decision, was in the
hands of residents of the region (Barnhardt, 1996).
Similar actions have been taken by Inupiaq people with regard to
the education of their children. Not satisfied with the either/or
forced-choice options often presented by the schools, whereby
students are expected to select between learning to be a subsistence
hunter or learning western academic knowledge, students in the
village of Kaktovik have drawn on their traditional Inupiaq base-20
counting practices to create a unique numerical notation and
computation system that is capable of performing high-level
mathematical calculations. The system has been so successful that
when they were challenged by a team of oil-field engineers with
electronic calculators, the Inupiaq students were able to accurately
preform the calculations faster than the engineers. They have
demonstrated that it is possible to adapt to the imperatives of the
western educational system without sacrificing their own cultural
traditions in the process.
Another important dimension that illustrates the contribution that
indigenous people can make to our thinking and practice in our
relationship to the world around us is a qualitative dimension
placing a priority emphasis on the sustainability of family,
community and the cultural systems reflected therein. Whereas
western-derived practices tend to focus on individually-oriented
considerations and goals, indigenous people are more likely to seek a
community-oriented approach, focusing on the commons as the basis for
individual sustenance, and the individual as the basis for the
strength of the commons. The educational practices associated with
such an outlook are grounded in the same premises as the African
proverb, "It takes a whole village to raise a child."
Along with the emphasis on sustainability of community, indigenous
worldviews are more inclined to see humans as a subset of the natural
world in which they are precariously situated, rather than to see
nature as a repository of resources for human exploitation (Kundtson
and Suzuki, 1992). Though this orientation to the natural world is
often misunderstood and misrepresented in non-indigenous contexts,
its spiritual and tangible connotations are very much a continuing
aspect of indigenous people's livelihood, and thus underlie
indigenous perspectives on the sustainability of all life. The
significance of this perspective is reflected in the following
preamble to a statement on Indigenous Peoples and Conservation,
prepared by Indigenous Survival International in 1991:
The Earth is the foundation of Indigenous peoples. It
is the well of their spirituality, knowledge, languages and cultures.
It is not a commodity to be bartered to maximize profit; nor should
it be damaged by scientific experimentation. The Earth is their
historian, the cradle of their ancestors' bones. It provides them
with nourishment, medicine and comfort. It is the source of their
independence; it is their Mother. They do not dominate Her, but
harmonize with Her (p. 41).
Summary
When examining educational issues in indigenous settings, we must
consider the cultural and historical context, particularly in terms
of who is determining what the rules of engagement are to be, and how
those rules are to be implemented. As indigenous people have begun to
re-assert their "aboriginal rights" to self-determination and
self-government and assume control over various aspects of their
lives, one of the first tasks they have faced has been to re-orient
the institutional infrastructures and practices that were established
by their former overseers to make them more suitable to their needs
as a people with their own worldview, identity and history. In some
instances, the initial response has been to accept the inherited
structures without question and perpetuate the western systems that
were put in place before, including their implicit forms of decision
making, social stratification and control. In most cases, however,
there have been deliberate efforts to modify the inherited
institutions, or create new institutional and political structures,
such that indigenous cultural forms and values are taken into account
wherever possible (Barnhardt, 1991). The tide has turned and the
future of indigenous education is clearly shifting toward an emphasis
on providing education in the culture, rather than education about
the culture. From this we will all benefit.
It is recognized that the obstacles to change are many and the
challenge is enormous, but no less than the survival of indigenous
people as distinct societies is at stake, and with them the essential
diversity that is vital to the survival of all humankind. The
elemental nature of the work before us is succinctly captured by the
following observation on the current state of Native education:
In the past, Native people tended to view formal
education as a hindrance to their traditional ways, but now they are
beginning to look at it in a different light. They are seeking to
gain control of their education and give it direction to accomplish
the goals they set for it, strengthening their own culture while
simultaneously embracing western science as a second force that can
help them maintain themselves with as much self-reliance and
self-sufficiency as possible. They have learned to thrive in a tough
environment, and they can make it easier and less harsh, first as
humans, secondly as scientists, with a carefully developed technology
supported by an attuned educational system (Kawagley, 1995, p. 111).
[We wish to acknowledge the support of the Alaska Federation of
Natives, the University of Alaska Fairbanks, the Annenberg Rural
Challenge and the National Science Foundation for the establishment
of the Alaska Native Knowledge Network and the work that has
contributed to the preparation of this article.]
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