NOTES TO

Aak’wtaatseen

“Shanyaak’utlaax”

told by Deikeenáak’w

Sitka, 1904

Transcribed by John R. Swanton, 1904

Published in Swanton, Tlingit Myths and Texts (1909)

as Story # 99, “Moldy End,” pp. 301-310

Transliterated into modern orthography by

Roby Littlefield & Ethel Makinen

edited by

Roby Littlefield, Ethel Makinen, Lydia George,

Nora Marks Dauenhauer & Richard Dauenhauer

Working Draft: February 2003

Notes Edited by Richard Dauenhauer

as part of the “Aak’wtaatseen: Alive in the Eddy” Unit

of the I Am Salmon Curriculum

Alaska Rural Systemic Initiative (AKRSI)

in partnership with

Sitka Tribe of Alaska, Sitka School District, Juneau School District

These notes are based on comments and explanations by the elders, and on concensus reached after debates and discussion among the editors at our various editorial sessions, especially September 2001, March 2002, and June 2002.

This Update: February 2003

The story and its significance.

The present edition is of a classic Tlingit and Northwest Coast story as told and transcribed almost 100 years ago (1904) in Sitka, edited and annotated by a team of community elders, teachers, linguists, and anthropologists. It is designed for use in place-based education activities combining language arts, ecology, geography, and many other academic disciplines. The Tlingit language text is transliterated into modern orthography and corrected where necessary. A new translation is based on the restored Tlingit text, and both the Tlingit and English versions are enhanced by detailed notes in which community elders explain the cultural background of passages that are often otherwise puzzling. There are several versions of the story from Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian, and other Northwest Coast oral literatures.

The Title.

The story is often called “Moldy End,” or “Moldy Collar Tip.” Is it also described as the “Boy who went to live with the salmon people,” or the “Prince and the Salmon People.” It is sometimes referred to as “Salmon Boy.” The preferred Tlingit title is “Aak’wtaatseen,” after one of the boy’s personal names. For more about the names, see the notes and the suggested activities.

Who was John R. Swanton?

John Reed Swanton (1873-1958) was a well-known linguist and anthropologist who worked on Tlingit and Haida at the beginning of his career. He received his Ph.D. from Harvard in 1900, and also studied with Franz Boas at Columbia University. In 1900, Boas arranged for Swanton to go to the Queen Charlotte Islands under the auspices of the Jesup Expedition. He spent ten months there, and returned to take up a post in the Bureau of American Ethnology, which became a lifetime appointment. In January 1904 the Bureau sent him to Sitka and Wrangell, Alaska, for four months. These two field trips constitute Swanton’s field work in the Northwest. He spent the rest of his career working in other areas. In general, his Haida scholarship was better than his Tlingit work; it has stood the test of time and continues to attract the attention of linguists, poets, and others who turn to it as a basis for modern adaptations. As noted elsewhere, there are some problems with Swanton’s Tlingit work, but it remains an amazing treasure-trove of material from a century ago that is still precious today, though it needs to be used with caution in many places. Swanton worked with Tlingit elders in Sitka in the spring of 1904, making 2004 not only the centennial of the famous 1904 potlatch, and the bicentennial of the Battle of Sitka of 1804, but the centennial of Swanton’s field work in Sitka as well. For more on Swanton, see Ralph Maud, A Guide to B.C. Indian Myth and Legend. A Short History of Myth-Collecting and a Survey of Published Texts. Vancouver: Talon Books, 1982.

What about Swanton’s Tlingit work?

Tlingit Myths and Texts is one of the classic, turn-of-the-century collections of Native American oral literature. It remains the single largest collection of Tlingit texts, and is an amazing achievement. But the book has some problems. Swanton’s “ear” was not the best, and his writing system not entirely adequate. Still, fluent speakers of Tlingit can decipher the writing and understand the stories today. Some places present problems, either where Swanton was wrong because he mis-heard or mis-understood something; or where Swanton was correct, but the word in question is no longer used or understood by most Tlingit speakers. We have explained such places in the notes. Despite its faults, Swanton’s work remains a monument and a touchstone for the study of Tlingit language and culture today, and we believe that a new generation of scholars can work with knowledgable community elders to correct or call attention to questionable or problematic parts of Swanton’s publications.

Who was Deineenáak’w?

Some community members are offended that Deikeenaak’w (of the Box House of the Sitka Kaagwaantaan) told a story that did not belong to his moiety and clan. Others are honored that he did so, telling the story out of respect for his opposite moiety. Thanks to him and Swanton, we have a version of the story told and written down in Tlingit a hundred years ago. A photo of him exists.

The place of the “Aak’wtaatseen” Story in the language arts curriculum; how the story can be used to meet Alaska State Standards

TO BE ADDED IN FUTURE DRAFTS. FOR NOW, SEE THE JUNE 15, 2001 WORKING DRAFT ON THE JUNEAU SCHOOL DISTRICT WEBSITE.

ALSO CHECK THE ALASKA NATIVE KNOWLEDGE NETWORK WEBSITE.

History of the project.

The project started with Roby Littlefield working with Ethel Makinen to re-elicit the story, confirm Swanton’s spelling and translation, and update the spelling and translation for students of Tlingit today. Roby shared her work in progress with Nora and Richard Dauenhauer, who then became part of the team. Lydia George accepted the invitation to help edit the story. In March 2002, other Sitka elders joined the work sessions hosted by STA. The editors have worked with each other in various combinations depending on the task and the availability of individuals.

This update.

The present update (February 2003) incorporates the results of all previous drafts and work sessions up to and including June 2002 and the questions raised on the print out of June 4, 2002.

TO BE ADDED: LATEST STA PLACE NAME MATERIAL; CURRICULUM IDEAS

Line Numbering.

Our line numbers refer first to the original page in Swanton (1909, Story #99, pages 301-310) and then to the sentence on the page, as numbered by the editors for easier reference.

The original text.

The original text is Tlingit Myths and Texts, recorded by John R. Swanton, Washington: Government Printing Office, 1909; reprinted 1970 by Johnson Reprint Corporation. Pages 301-310.

NOTES TO THE STORY

301-2. The dried fish were always tied into bundles of ten.

301-3. He was not trying to kill the bird, he would always release it afterward.

301-5. Atlée is an endearing word for mother.

301-8. The dryfish gets moldy because of the oils and fat in this part of the fish. This is considered the sweetest, fattest, tastiest part of the dryfish. The Tlingit term for this is xáat nóoch’i.

301-9. If he was a patient and respectful little boy he would have simply wiped off the mold. As it is, he shows disrespect for his mother and the salmon.

301-11. That way. The boy was speaking arrogantly and disrespectfully of (and perhaps to) the dryfish.

302-4. The salmon people felt proud because they had caught him.

302-9. It seemed to the boy as if they were traveling in a canoe.

302-10. Adopted him. Literally, “made him his child.”

302-11. As noted above, the boy didn’t kill the birds, but just trapped and released.

302-17. The name Shanyaak’utlaax became official. It means the moldy part of the salmon by the throat part of the fish that he didn’t want earlier. See the discussion and curriculum guide for suggestions on the importance of names in the story. See Classroom Activity on the names.

302-18. Tlingit: Swanton’s “shka” should be shkax or chóosh káx.

English: “Taken him.” The Tlingit verb is literally “saved.” This is the verb commonly used when people are taken away by other forms of life in this genre of story.

302-21. Swanton’s “yux x’eiwataan, to make an announcement” seems awkward when he is only speaking to his father. Elders’ consensus was to edit to “yóot x’awditán.”

302-21 and 303-4. Kaa Tú Kaxsake Héen. This translates as “Amusement River” or “Happiness River,” or “Peaceful River.” Swanton translates it as “Amusement Creek.” There was considerable discussion over the name in editorial sessions. “Amusement” sounds trivial. The verb can also mean “to cheer up, be happy, rejoice, give spiritual comfort. The name comes from “toowóo(k) kei sagoowu, to make you happy.” “Kaa toowóo kei sagoowu Héen” or “Kaa toowú ksagoowu Héen.” The translation used here is still tentative. The river does not seem very “peaceful” in the sense of quiet, placid, or tranquil. It seems to be more calming to the boy because of the pleasant or amusing distractions and all the commotion. He is homesick, and the activities at the creek distract him.

ADD MORE FROM PLACE NAME ATLAS ?

303-1. This is like dancing to forget one’s troubles. This may also be understood as a peace dance. In Sitka, there is a Coho song and dance to commemorate this.

303-7. Salmon Month. Xáat Dísi. Approximately July (or June) on the modern calendar. The traditional Tlingit calendar was lunar and had 13 months. The new year began in “Salmon Month” with the return of the fish. There was (and is) considerable regional variation on the names of the months. We stick with Swanton’s “ayéenx’” although many speakers today say “yát.” The verb stem “heen” refers to a shoal or school of fish swimming.

303-8. Future salmon. This is from the salmon point of view. They are still fry or smolt in the salmon land, and will mature and become salmon when they reach the human watershed. From the human point of view, the fish mature at sea. From the salmon p.o.v., they go out to humans. Explicit in many versions of the story (but understood or implied here) is that the fish return to the salmon land to be reborn only if humans treat them with respect, use all the food, and return all bones to the watershed.

303-13. Shagunaayí, emblem or clan crest; from Shagoon + aayí. The phrase “L’uknax.ádi shuká wé l’ook” is also said today.

303-16. This is the first reference to Aak’wtaatseen by this name. See the discussion and curriculum guide for suggestions on the importance of names in the story. ADD MORE HERE ON NAME?

303-18. Séet. This is an important place name in the story. Séet X’é is the full name. MORE ON THIS FROM NOTES ON NAMES

Swanton has xáat kwáanich; it was the elders’ consensus to delete the –ch.

304-3. Digging pits. This alludes to salmon digging holes with their fins in which to lay eggs, tossing the gravel at each other as they do so.

304-5. Hot rocks. At low tide, the exposed rocks are heated by the sun. When the salmon move in with the rising tide, the rocks are hot.

304-6. Roasting. The verb (dli-waas) means to roast fish on an open fire; as in: wududliwás, it was roasted; and gaxtoolwaasí, let’s roast it.

304-12. Cheek meat. Reference is to the meat on a salmon (or halibut) cheek. The salmon are taunting the herring for having no cheek meat. The verb is literally “saved,” and figuratively “filled up” or “satisfied hunger.” Here and below, Swanton has “washka” for cheek (outside the cheek), but the elders’ consensus was to change this to “washtu,” (inside the cheek).

304-14. “Kuyawtuwalaa” is described by the elders as “old language.” In the cycle of returning fish, the herring eggs come before the salmon.

304-15. Eggs. Here the herring are returning the taunt, contrasting the mass of the herring spawn (which is harvested by the Tlingit) to the comparatively small and insignificant spawn of the salmon.

304-16. “Gwáa wa.éich” is the long form, and “gwéich” is short. Liyeeká Deiyí is possibly a place name. Swanton translates it as “space near your backbone.” CHECK THIS MORE. The elders’ consensus was to change the verb “get dirty” to the form used here. Now the herring are taunting the salmon about their backbones getting dirty when they spawn, either from the mud of the streams churned up when they dig in the creek bed to lay their eggs, or from the discoloration as their bodies begin to decompose. Herring backbones do not get dirty, and herring also live to spawn several times, whereas salmon die after spawning .

304-17. Elders’ consensus was to change Swanton’s “kaadéi” to “daadéi,” which makes more sense, as the fish go around the islands and not on them.

304-18. The verb is for plural boats, a fleet or armada. It can also refer to a pod of killer whales or porpoises. Here the salmon see themselves as a fleet of boats.

305-2. The mouth of this river. The elders’ concensus was that this refers to the mouth of any river, and is not a place-name for a specific place. This is possibly Gajaa Héen at Starigavan, “Old Harbor,” by the Sitka ferry terminal. Swanton translates this as “Saliva Creek.” The elders’ interpretation is that it looks to people like saliva from the frothing over the rocks.

305-3. That is, the man (human, Tlingit) who was saved or taken by the fish. I.e., Aak’wtaatseen selected Daxéit as his destination. Swanton translates this as “named,” which is ambiguous. He didn’t “name” the place in the sense of giving it its place-name, but named it as his destination.

305-4. “Wat’aa Yayee” is the salmon people’s name for Daxéit. Swanton has “Wat Aan Yayee” and translates this as “Right to the town.” It means “at the base of the village at the mouth of the river.” It can also mean “in front of Daxéit.” There are two entrances to the river, from both sides of Halleck Island. (with or w/o “n” ?? DOUBLE CHECK THIS.

305-6. Floating Point is a weather indicating place for the Tlingit. Fort. The human smokehouse looks like a fort to the salmon. It has been suggested that in some versions of the story, fish traps (shaal) are also seen as forts, but the story teller is explicit here.

305-7. That way; i.e., like a fort. Swanton has xáat kwáanich; it was the elders’ consensus to delete the –ch.

305-8. Seal Pups. Seal pups feed on the first run of salmon; i.e., their growth cycle coincides with the first salmon run.

305-9. Chopping. The people are chopping stakes to make spears or a fish trap. Tlaganís is a sapling “spear,” and luká is “on the tip or nose of.” CHECK THIS: Ambiguous?? “Sapling Point” may refer to the sapling tips, or to the point in the stream where the activity was carried out.

305-13. True father was seen. The editors take ‘x’éigaa” to refer to the boy’s true (human) father and not adoptive (salmon) father. Swanton takes this as an adverb “the father was truly/plainly seen.”

305-17. Kadáan. Swanton has “k’idéin,” which the elders considered more of an adverb. The consensus was to change to “kadáan.”

306-3. The elders commented that before the devastation from commercial fish traps, the salmon run was literally so thick that people could cross the stream or river walking on their backs.

306-4. The fish are ridiculing the women because they are sitting facing downstream. Other versions of the story are more explicit: the fish are looking up their dresses. Because of this, women were instructed to face upriver, with their backs to downstream.

306-5. The fish… the boy. The nouns are supplied in translation for clarity.

306-18. Tooch sákw /fresh, to cook soon. For this kind of meal, yu cut the head off the fish to keep it fresh, with the idea of using it very soon. The verb is li-tooch, to be fresh, or to cut a fish head off to keep it fresh. Awlitúch—s/he cut its head off (to keep the salmon fresh). CHECK. THIS IS ALSO A PLACE NAME. SEE STA CHART.

306-22. This is a bit of a paraphrase. The verb is difficult to translate, and refers to handling an object by carrying it in the arms and carefully setting it down.

307-9. Léet’. A long woven object, like a mat. Here possibly a longish basket or woven tray for carrying fish.

307-13. A noise was heard. One elder commented, “Du yéigi sákw áwé duwa.áx. – They heard what was to become his spirit.”

307-14. Uxyéik. This is a very old term no longer commonly used. The spirit is on his lips so that it will come out when he is sleeping.

307-17. Moved everything out. They are cleaning out to get ready to receive the new spirit.

308-1. Swanton has a singular verb here, with the translation “that was how it was given out.” By concensus, the elders amended the text here by changing the verb to plural, with the understanding that the people were coming out: “That is how they went out.” Swanton would be: Yóo áyú yoox aawagút.

CHECK THIS AGAIN. CAN IT REFER TO THE YEIK? (coming 2 lines down?)

308-3. This is a difficult part of the story to follow. At this point there is the additional complication of spirit power emerging as well as the boy’s physical changing of form from fish back to human.

308-7. Bathing: in this case, sitting in cold water for strength. Beating time: the shaman is going into a trance, and his helper is beating time with sticks and shouting. Xíjaa = beating, éix’ = slough, little pond.

308-8. Spirits. Swanton has “kayéik,” which the elders suggested changing to “yéik.” The verb is plural, so we translated with English plural, though the Tlingit noun is not necessarily marked for plural.

308-9. Spirits. Here Swanton’s noun is marked for plural. The verb prefixes are changed from Swanton’s.

308-10. Seagull spirit. The elders commented that there are personal names in various clans today that recall parts of this experience.

308-12. Four places. Four is the Tlingit “complete” or “magic” number, much as three is in Euro-american tradition. Also, this is how dryfish is traditionally cut in southeast Alaska today, so that it unfolds in four connected sections.

308-14. Part Two. This division is the suggestion of the editors. Part Two is harder to follow and deals more technically with the acquisition of shaman spirits. In field testing, we found that this part was too confusing for lower grades (5^th grade, for example). It could be used with higher grades. Most of the important cultural and ecological messages of the story can be discussed without going into Part Two.

Noisy Waterfall. “Keis.axji Héen” translates as “Noisy Falls.”

308-15. Tested his spirits. The Tlingit verb here is the same one used in the Tlingit Lord’s Prayer for “Lead us not into temptation;” i.e., “Don’t test us.”

308-19. He told it to go. Aak’wtaatseen is telling the raft to go.

308-20. He blew on the raft. Blowing on it brings it to life, gives it the power to go. Note that in English and many other languages, the word “spirit” is connected to words for breathing: inspiration, respiration, expiration, etc.

309-2. The verb conveys the idea of a long, stick-like object in motion.

309-4. “At xeech” = beating time for the shaman.

309-8. Keening. The Tlingit verb is literally “carrying the cry.”

309-9. That shaman. Aak’wtaatseen is now a shaman.

309-11. Aawoonei. There is regional variation in Tlingit and among the elders on the editorial team. Both “aawoonei” and “aawoonee” are acceptable.

309-13. There was much discussion among the elders over this line and how to translate it.

309-15. When they…. When the Kiks.ádi were brought up from the river. There was much discussion among the elders over the syntax of this line, and whether to use “when” or “after” in translation.

309-16. Into him. Into Aak’wtaatseen.

309-17. He sang, etc. He sang so that his spirit could be revealed. “Dusdaa” is very old language, a term no longer commonly used. It means “to see for sure, to know for sure, to be certain, to be convinced of,” etc.

309-18. His assistant. Du xankáawu. There is a very amusing error is Swanton’s English translation. He has “clothes-man.” Swanton apparently misheard his Tlingit interpreter, who must have said, “close man.”

309-19. Take. Swanton misheard the conjugation prefix. He has Ga-taan. It should be Ga-taan.

310-2. There was considerable discussion among the elders over problems in Swanton’s translation of this sentence. The elders’ revision is used here.

310-5. He spit. One elder explained, “This is when an Indian doctor spits on something.” It is not in rejection, as in popular western culture, but part of endowing the object with power. There is a related verb, “adaax x’adasáa” meaning to “call on the spirits.”

310-6. He chanted. The verb here is to say, speak, or chant a charm or incantation.

310-9. Stiffened. Rigor mortis. One of the elders explained that “The spirit went into the Indian doctor now.” Therefore the animal is spirit-less, i.e. dead.

310-12. Haayee. Swanton’s language is unclear here, and the elders debated the meaning at length, finally suggesting the present translation. This term is used in Tlingit to convey the idea of a mirror image and a world the opposite of ours, therefore a shamanic vision or image. According to the late George Davis, “Haayee Kwáani Keidlí” is the Tlingit word for “sea horse,” literally “the dog of the people below.”

310-13. Cut off the tongue. This is done to gain power.

310-14. Divided. Divided, split open, or separated (perhaps by the paddle?)

310-16. Came up by boat: i.e, back to Daxéit, returning back up the bay.

310-17. Permanent village. The winter village, in contrast to seasonal fish camp.

CHECK “NAA-“ IS THIS A NOMINAL PREFIX?

310-19. Trance. Most of the references to shamanic practice are unclear to readers today, but can be compared to contemporary practices that are still done in Siberia and elsewhere. The yéik (spirit) would take the shaman around. He was actually sitting on the floor, but people could see him in a trance going in a circle. One of the elders commented, “The power can leave the body at death. They leave the door open so the spirit can escape.”