PART FOUR
CONCLUSION
This study has looked at pace and flow as part of
the communication process in cross-cultural situations. The importance of non-verbal
aspects
in interactions
appear to be related largely to their role in defining the context of the
communication. An interrelationship of content, often referred to as “information,’ and
context produces the meaning of a communication. The nature of this interrelationship
appears to vary from culture to culture. Some cultures place more emphasis
on the contextual aspects of the interaction and some emphasize the information,
or content, aspects of the process. Non-verbal behavior and systems tend
to be contextual in function while verbal forms, particularly written words,
tend to be more informational in character. Most Americans, particularly
in
the academic community, have been trained to emphasize content and information
while deemphasizing or disregarding context (Hall 1974: 18-21). We are correspondingly
insensitive to many non-verbal signals and phenomena, and we often experience
difficulties when interacting with people who place different emphasis and
meanings on matters of context. This situation helps to explain the relative
neglect of non-verbal aspects of interactions in communication studies and
the heavy emphasis on linguistics. From our content-dominated concept of
communication, many non-verbal aspects of interactions are not communication
at all because
they transmit no information.
Pace and flow are important in the communication
process because they are part of the immediate context. Their contexting
function takes a number of
forms;
and, they have an equally important function of organizing and facilitating
the general process of communication.
Pace was originally described in this
study as the speed at which people move and do things, as well as the manner
in which they use time and organized
processes
in time. Most of my discussion of pace’ in the analysis of the
Alaskan footage was restricted to the rate at which people moved and
did things
on a short-term basis.
Pace patterns vary from culture to culture and
are quite stable for any given circumstance within a culture. This
stability, which was an obvious
characteristic
of pace patterns in this film analysis, is a key to one of the functions
of pace in communications. It provides a temporal framework within
which to structure
interactions; it also provides a pattern of speed of movement to guide
people’s
actions which do not have to be improvised anew for each interaction.
This not only provides guidelines for behavior, but also helps to define
the significance
or meaning of the interaction. If we make a social call on someone
we know, there is an appropriate time for the visit as well as an appropriate
rate and style of behavior and movements. If we extend the visit beyond
the appropriate time, it changes the nature of the visit, and our host
is likely
to begin to wonder what we came for. Obviously, it is for more than
a “social” visit
and we must then make appropriate actions to explain ourselves or risk
being considered impolite. Likewise, if we move too quickly or slowly
during
this visit, it may be taken to mean that something is wrong and may
also make the process of communication difficult. This last aspect
of pace,
as a facilitator
of communication, is related to flow and has the function of providing
an agreed-upon rate of movement which makes interactions smooth and
helps reduce or eliminate
any sensation of friction or lack of communication. Without some pattern
of shared pace, other aspects of flow are almost impossible. This film
study was
filled with examples of difficulties related to this aspect of pace.
Generally,
pace sets the timetable and rate for other parts of the communication
process. When timetables are not shared, the parties
involved have a
hard time getting together and communication suffers. In certain
circumstances, changes
in the timetable or conflicting interpretations of its significance
may lead to serious misunderstandings about what is being communicated
(Hall
1967: 18).
Flow, which I have described as the interrelating
of movements in interactions between or among people, is equally important.
Many
of the aspects
of pace which make it important in communications are important
because they affect
the nature of flow.
Flow has several main functions. When people
meet, the subtleties of the interrelationship of their movements serve as
clues to the
nature
of the
relationship and the
possibility of communication. Rapid and comfortable adjustment
of movements, so that they become interrelated in a smooth fashion,
creates a context
favorable to communication on various levels, as well as implicitly
stating, “We
share some things in common and should be able to comprehend
each other.” As
an interaction continues, the pattern of flow that develops reflects
and reinforces the course of the interaction. If things are going
well, the motions of the
participants become smooth and well synchronized, having little
friction or oppositional movements and serving to reinforce the
process and make it
easier. There is the implicit message of, ëWe are in tune.” If
things go badly, with misunderstandings, missed cues and general
discomfort,
the resulting friction of movement caused by lack of synchronization
reflects and reinforces the negative aspects of the situation.
The contrast between
Head Start and prefirst in the film study reflected these contrasting
patterns of flow and results. Subtleties of conflicts of pace
and flow are often detected
before difficulties on other levels hay’ a real chance
to develop on their own. There are times when differences on
this
non-verbal level predestine
communications on other levels to failure. This is particularly
true in cross-cultural circumstances where participants expect
to encounter difficulties.
While verbal misunderstandings and confusion take a while to
develop, non-verbal signals are highly contextual and are transmitted
very
rapidly (Hall 1974: 18). Non-verbal signals predispose participants
to difficulties on the
verbal level almost before they begin. These non-verbal signals
are, of course, not limited to matters of pace and flow but also
include other proxemic and
kinesic factors.
These functions of pace and flow were probably
in operation in the situations filmed in Alaska. As discussed
in the concluding
section
of the analysis,
the two Head Start teachers were known by the children from having
shared prior
experiences, similar interests, or family ties. The fact that
they operated at the same pace, moved the same way, and were
able to
integrate their
movements with those of the children and the children with theirs,
served to reinforce
constantly the positive apsects of the relationship and to make
communication in the classroom easier. Everyone expected smooth
communication,
and all the behavior in individual or specific interactions served
to confirm
the
expectation. With the Anglo teachers, the reverse was generally
the case. The sharp differences
in pace and movements with the resulting lack of flow served
to confirm their distance from the Native children and adults
and
the difficulty
of communicating
with them. Extreme cases of lack of flow, for example, the dancing
sequence in the kindergarten class or the alphabet sequence in
the same room,
are probably so disruptive to the communication process that
the verbal messages
are practically unheard, let alone understood. The teachers who
made some adjustments in pace, movements or structuring of processes,
and developed
some degree of
smooth flow with the children received considerably higher verbal
comprehension from the children.
People must have some sharing
of patterns in three areas of nonverbal communication in order for smooth
flow to develop. These are
pace, proxemics and movement style (part of kinesics). Pace
and its role
in flow have
already been discussed, and the function of the other two are
relatively obvious.
Even if people are moving at the same pace, if one has linear,
angular movements, it is going to be difficult for flow to
develop if the
other s movements
tend
to be circular or rounded. Mr. Principal is an example of a
person whose kinesic patterns as well as his pace made interaction with
the children
in his class
difficult.
Proxemic considerations are important in any interaction.
A smooth flow of movements is possible only when proxemic expectations
have been met.
Factors
of what kinds of movements are “proper” in a
given proxemic relationship limit the movements and responses
that
are possible. In the film study it was
noted that the Eskimo aides and teachers operated much closer
to the children than most of the non-Native teachers. Close
distance was also characteristic
of many interactions in village and home scenes as well as
in the cases where Anglo teachers developed smoother and
more intense communications with the
children. It is possible that most of the Anglo teachers
operated much of the time at what the children considered
impersonal
distance requiring little response
or interaction. All these factors combined made developing
good communication almost impossible in many of the classes.
The Anglo teachers who did well had
all made alterations or adjustments which served to minimize
differences in at least one of the three areas.
It would seem
that pace and flow are, together with other aspects of non-verbal
communication, important factors which
can alter
the course
and perhaps
the meaning of interactions. What are some of the implications
of such a conclusion?
In the past it was common for fieldworkers
to go through a ritualistic process of attempting to learn something of
the
language of the
people they were
studying. This ritual had ideological as well as practical
justifications. Then and now,
a standard tenent of anthropology was that at least a minimal
knowledge of a people’s language was necessary in
order to have a proper comprehension of their culture.
This belief,
no doubt valid, reflected also a heavy emphasis
in anthropological thought on the role of verbal communication,
language, in culture which reached a sort of zenith with
the theoretical work done and
inspired by Sapir and Whorf. This theoretical view of the
world may be paraphrased as: “We are what we speak”; “We
think the way we talk”;
and “The world is the way we name it.” This
emphasis on language reflected anthropological awareness
that communication
was critical to cultural
processes, but it also reflected the verbal, content-oriented
conception of communication common in the modern academic
world.
Studies in non-verbal systems of culture suggest
that some modification in this emphasis may be appropriate.
Even
language’s role in cognition,
or reasoning, is somewhat in question since recent investigations
suggest that reasoning does not necessarily require the
use of words or symbols (Hall
1974: 20). It seems that communication, cognition, perception
and other aspects of culture which serve to shape our conception
of events and our place
in them are more complex and multidimensional than they
are generally conceived to be. There is a general lack
in anthropology of awareness of non-verbal
and contextual matters. This partially explains why many
anthropological studies, dependent as they are on verbal
information and presented in verbal form (written),
seem to people from the cultures they describe either to
be shallow or to be about someplace else; contextual factors
tend to be left out or missed in the
first place.
Since many contextual matters are perceived
or interpreted nonverbally, they may be processed by a
different portion
of the brain than
verbal inputs (Hall 1974: 18-20). It is problematical whether
or not they
can be reduced
to verbal or written forms. Maybe there is cultural knowledge
or experience which cannot be comprehended or transmitted
cross-culturally because
it is linked to contextual relationships that cannot be
duplicated or transmitted
in verbal form.
The implications for anthropology are that
changes may have to be made in the education and training of anthropologists
as well
as
in the
practice of the
profession in the field. Perhaps many aspects of culture
cannot be reduced to verbal abstractions except at a
cost in depth
and significance
(Hall
1974:
18; R. Rundstrom: private communication). Such a realization
would require a major overhaul in the teaching of anthropology
since
few institutions
offer courses in non-verbal aspects of culture let alone
incorporate that knowledge into their regular course
offerings.
Few general texts in anthropology devote any time
to non-verbal communication and other aspects of people’s
use of space and time. Yet these are the very texts which
present the basic knowledge and viewpoints of anthropology
to beginning students and to people who will never explore
further in the field.
If such non-verbal information cannot
be reduced to verbal forms, there would have to be changes in storing and
transmitting such
knowledge with less
emphasis on verbal or written forms. The increased
interest in ethnographic film reflects a trend in this direction,
but as
yet most of these
tend
to be pictorial representations of information already
reduced to verbal forms
rather
than something that cannot be conveyed in any other
way.
Corresponding changes would have to be made in fieldwork
methods. These are the implications of the study of
non-verbal aspects
of cultures
in general.
This study concerned itself with only a few aspects
of nonverbal communication. Since it appears that pace
and
flow, like
proxemic systems, are quite
stable patterns which people may not think about a
great deal, it is important
that a fieldworker or any person working in a cross-cultural
circumstance be sensitized
to the existence of differences of this kind. This
might make it easier for them to comprehend some of
their own
frustrations in
communications as well as enable them to take steps
to mitigate some of the inevitable
conflicts.
This would require that they be able to observe other
people’s pace and
flow styles to some degree and see how they are different
from their own. They must learn to see, to be aware.
The importance of trying to make accommodations
on the level of pace and flow is that the primary function
of pacing seems to be to facilitate interactions. The
sooner a person can make the interaction
comfortable, the easier it will be to develop communication
on all levels, including the interchange of verbal
information.
This raises the question of the degree
to which non-verbal systems, like pace and flow, can
be taught. There is
not much information
or knowledge
regarding
this issue at the present time. Possibly some things
can be taught or be learned by an outsider and others
cannot.
Contextual
systems
take
a long
time to acquire.
It may be that some cannot be learned except by being
a lifetime member of a culture (Hall 1974: 18). My
own experience
in
this field makes
me certain
that there are contextual aspects of situations which
change the meaning of events which cannot be explained
in verbal
or written
form.
If a person’s activities extend beyond observation
and inyolve teaching, direction of projects, or other
applied work, other aspects of pace and flow
also become important. An outsider needs to learn the
rate at which things are ëë supposed’’ to
get done and the relative pacing and importance of
different stages of processes. In this fashion, one
can avoid
spending time on aspects of processes considered insignificant
locally as well as ensure the smooth transfer of information
and implementation of the
process as a whole. In schools this might mean complete
changes in the scheduling of lessons, as well as the
direct presentation of materials.
Above all, it would require active, but necessarily
subtle, structuring of interrelationships so that people
of the culture can themselves set the
pace and flow patterns of a situation. Finally, an
outsider must realize that s/he is never going to have
the potential for communications that someone in
the group has and that therefore, s/he should emphasize
those activities or functions for which they have special
qualifications, rather than duplicate
activities that could much better be carried out by
local people. Indeed, in applied situations like education,
more awareness of non-verbal and contextual aspects
of cultural processes are most
important since the results
of misunderstandings and poor communications have impact
on many more people
than is the case
in ordinary anthropological research.
An increased understanding
of non-verbal aspects of communication is important,
then, not only for more
complete understanding
of the function
of culture
by anthropologists but also for the benefit of all
people who operate in cross-cultural
circumstances, for whom most anthropological concepts
would be intellectual curiosities. However, anthropology
has
a way to
go before it will
have either the knowledge or the means of presenting
it that would be useful
to such people.